Unit 4: Movements and Debates

Unit 4 covers the Black freedom struggle from the 1940s to the present. It moves from the global currents of Négritude and decolonization through the Second World War, the civil rights movement, Black Power, and the cultural revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s, and ends with contemporary Black life in politics, art, sports, science, and visions of the future.

4.1 The Négritude and Negrismo Movements

In the 1930s, Black writers and intellectuals in Paris built a movement they called Négritude, French for Blackness. Its central figures were the Martinican poet Aimé Césaire, the Senegalese poet Léopold Senghor, who later became the first president of Senegal, and the French Guianese writer Léon Damas. Négritude rejected France's policy of colonial assimilation, the idea that colonized people should become culturally French, and asserted the value of African cultural identity instead. Césaire's Discourse on Colonialism (1955) argued that colonialism brutalized the colonizer as well as the colonized. The movement drew energy from the Harlem Renaissance across the Atlantic. Writer and editor Jessie Redmon Fauset connected the two circles, and Langston Hughes translated French-language Black writers into English, carrying their work to American readers.

A parallel movement grew in Spanish-speaking Latin America and the Caribbean. Negrismo was the work of Black and mixed-race writers who celebrated African contributions to music, folklore, literature, and art in societies that often denied those contributions. The visual arts carried both movements across borders. Loïs Mailou Jones painted Les Fétiches in Paris in 1938, filling the canvas with African masks she had studied in French museums. The Afro-Cuban artist Wifredo Lam painted The Jungle in 1943, a dense canvas of hybrid figures rooted in Afro-Cuban spiritual traditions.

4.2 Anticolonialism and Black Political Thought

After the Second World War, African colonies moved toward independence, and Black Americans watched closely. Ghana became independent in 1957 under Kwame Nkrumah, the first sub-Saharan African nation to free itself from colonial rule, and Martin Luther King Jr. attended the independence ceremony. Then came 1960, the Year of Africa, when seventeen African nations gained independence in a single year. These victories gave the American movement momentum and a global frame. The struggle in Mississippi or Alabama was part of a worldwide Black Freedom movement, a term historians use for the whole mid-1940s to 1970s arc that includes both the civil rights movement and Black Power.

The intellectual frame for that global view was Pan-Africanism, the movement for solidarity among people of African descent everywhere. Its roots run through nineteenth-century thinkers like Martin Delany, Alexander Crummell, and Edward Blyden, and W.E.B. Du Bois is called its modern father for the Pan-African congresses he organized in the early twentieth century.

4.3 African Americans and the Second World War: The Double V Campaign and the G.I. Bill

The Second World War forced a contradiction into the open. Black Americans were asked to fight fascism abroad while living under Jim Crow at home. In 1942 the Pittsburgh Courier launched the Double V campaign, named for reader James G. Thompson's January 1942 letter asking whether Black Americans should sacrifice to live half American. Double V meant victory against fascism abroad and victory against racism at home. More than a million Black Americans served in a segregated military, including the Tuskegee Airmen, the Black fighter pilots known as the Red Tails, and the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion, 855 Black women commanded by Lt. Col. Charity Adams Earley who cleared a massive backlog of military mail in England and France. Truman's Executive Order 9981 of July 26, 1948, desegregated the armed forces, but the G.I. Bill of 1944, though written without racial language, was administered locally, so white veterans received its benefits far more often than the 1.2 million Black veterans did.

4.4 Discrimination, Segregation, and the Origins of the Civil Rights Movement

In 1954, Brown v. Board of Education ruled that state-sanctioned school segregation violated the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause, overturning the separate but equal doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). The Court cited the doll studies of psychologists Mamie and Kenneth Clark, whose 1940s research showed segregation's damage to Black children's self-image; photographer Gordon Parks documented the Clarks' work in Harlem in 1947. A year later, Brown II (1955) ordered desegregation "with all deliberate speed," which Southern states used as cover for delay.

Brown outlawed de jure segregation, separation by law. It did not end de facto segregation, separation in fact, which persisted through housing patterns and district lines. The Little Rock Nine faced violent resistance in 1957. Six-year-old Ruby Bridges integrated a New Orleans elementary school on November 14, 1960. James Meredith integrated the University of Mississippi on October 1, 1962, under federal guard. The movement's legal memory reached back to the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which had outlawed discrimination in public places.

4.5 Redlining and Housing Discrimination

Housing was where de facto segregation was manufactured. In 1937 the Home Owners' Loan Corporation mapped Philadelphia by supposed lending risk, marking Black neighborhoods hazardous in red. The Federal Housing Administration's 1938 Underwriting Manual warned against the "infiltration of inharmonious racial groups" and steered insured mortgages to white suburbs. Private sellers added restrictive covenants, deed clauses barring sale to Black buyers. Together these tools locked Black families out of the home equity that built the white middle class. Black communities answered with their own institutions, including the jitney buses that served neighborhoods segregated transit ignored. Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun, which opened on Broadway on March 11, 1959, put housing discrimination on the American stage. The Fair Housing Act of 1968 banned the discrimination, though enforcement was weak for years.

4.6 Major Civil Rights Organizations

Four organizations carried the movement, and the exam expects you to tell them apart by date, base, and method. The NAACP, founded in 1909 by an interracial group including W.E.B. Du Bois and Ida B. Wells-Barnett after the 1908 Springfield race riot, fought mainly through the courts. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), founded in Chicago in March 1942 by James Farmer and an interracial group of students, pioneered nonviolent direct action with sit-ins and the 1961 Freedom Rides. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), founded on January 10, 1957, with Martin Luther King Jr. as its first president, organized through Black churches and coordinated mass protest. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), founded April 16-18, 1960, at Shaw University in Raleigh with Ella Baker's guidance after the Greensboro sit-ins, built its power through grassroots organizing in the Deep South.

The events ran in a tight sequence. The Montgomery Bus Boycott ran from December 5, 1955, to December 20, 1956, 381 days sparked by Rosa Parks's arrest, ending after the Supreme Court's Browder v. Gayle ruling. The Greensboro sit-ins began February 1, 1960. CORE's Freedom Rides challenged segregated interstate travel in 1961. The 1963 Birmingham Children's Crusade put young marchers before police dogs and fire hoses on television. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, organized by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin, drew some 250,000 people on August 28, 1963. Freedom Summer in 1964 brought volunteers to Mississippi for voter registration and dozens of Freedom Schools; the murders of James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner on June 21, 1964, and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party's convention challenge forced the nation to watch. The Selma march, met with beatings on Bloody Sunday, March 7, 1965, led directly to federal legislation.

Two laws were the payoff. The Civil Rights Act, signed July 2, 1964, outlawed segregation in public places and banned employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin. The Voting Rights Act, signed August 6, 1965, banned the literacy tests that had kept Black Southerners from voting. Behind the set pieces stood organizers like Bayard Rustin, the openly gay strategist of the March on Washington, and John Lewis, the SNCC leader whose urgency signaled a younger generation's impatience.

4.7 Black Women's Leadership and Grassroots Organizing in the Civil Rights Movement

The movement ran on women's labor, and its most effective organizers built power from the ground up. Ella Baker, often called the mother of the civil rights movement, insisted on group-centered leadership rather than charismatic leaders, and her guidance was essential to SNCC's founding. Fannie Lou Hamer organized Mississippi sharecroppers and forced the Democratic Party to hear her testimony at the 1964 convention. Dorothy Height led the National Council of Negro Women for forty years, from 1957 to 1997, and helped organize the March on Washington. Gloria Richardson led the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee in Maryland and negotiated the Treaty of Cambridge with Attorney General Robert Kennedy in July 1963.

In Chicago, the Coordinating Council of Community Organizations took on school segregation in the mid-1960s before disbanding in 1967. On February 3, 1964, some 464,000 New York City students stayed out of school, the largest single-day civil rights protest in American history, demanding an end to de facto school segregation. Inside the movement, women named the sexism they faced in the 1964 SNCC position paper "Women in the Movement," which addressed gender discrimination within civil rights organizations themselves.

4.13 The Black Feminist Movement, Womanism, and Intersectionality

Out of that experience grew a distinct Black feminist tradition. The Combahee River Collective, founded in Boston in 1974 by Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith, and Demita Frazier and named for Harriet Tubman's 1863 raid, issued its statement in April 1977, arguing that Black women's freedom required destroying racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia together. Alice Walker offered the term womanism, first used in her 1979 story "Coming Apart" and defined in In Search of Our Mothers' Gardens (1983), naming Black women's activism against racism in the feminist movement and sexism in Black communities. Legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw gave the field its most cited analytic tool when she coined intersectionality in her 1989 law review article, describing how race, gender, and other identities interact with systems of power to shape Black women's distinct experiences.

4.14 Interlocking Systems of Oppression

Sociologist Patricia Hill Collins developed the framework of interlocking systems of oppression, the idea that race, gender, class, sexuality, and ability interact with social structures to produce unequal outcomes. The concept gave academic language to what organizers like Hamer and the Combahee women had lived. Black women writers made the same point in literature. Gwendolyn Brooks became the first African American to win a Pulitzer Prize in 1950 for Annie Allen, and her novel Maud Martha (1953) traced a Black girl's coming of age on Chicago's South Side. Audre Lorde wrote from the position of a Black lesbian feminist about identity, difference, and survival.

4.9 Black Religious Nationalism and the Black Power Movement

Alongside the integrationist movement, a separate tradition insisted on Black self-determination. The Nation of Islam, founded in Detroit in 1930 by Wallace D. Fard Muhammad and led from 1934 by Elijah Muhammad in Chicago, combined Islamic devotion with Black nationalist teachings and urged followers to abandon the surnames of enslavers. Its newspaper, Muhammad Speaks, carried the message to street corners across the country. Malcolm X, the Nation's most compelling minister, broke with Elijah Muhammad in March 1964 and, in speeches like "The Ballot or the Bullet" that same year, urged Black Americans to use their votes and to defend themselves where the government would not. After his pilgrimage to Mecca he embraced orthodox Islam as el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz. He was assassinated on February 21, 1965, at the Audubon Ballroom in New York.

The mid-1960s saw the rise of Black Power, a movement asserting Black self-determination, cultural pride, and the right to armed self-defense. It drew those who felt the integrationist movement ignored their daily disempowerment, and it transformed Black consciousness even where it did not change laws.

4.11 The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense

The Black Panther Party, founded in Oakland, California, on October 15, 1966, by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale, turned Black Power philosophy into an organization. Its Ten-Point Program, written the same month, demanded an end to police brutality and the exploitation of Black communities, along with full employment, decent housing, and education. The Panthers are remembered for armed patrols monitoring police, but their survival programs may have mattered more. Those programs included free breakfast for schoolchildren, free medical clinics, legal aid, and clothing drives. The FBI treated the party as a national security threat and worked to destroy it through its COINTELPRO operations.

4.8 The Arts, Music, and the Politics of Freedom

Artists made the movement audible and visible, and sometimes they carried its arguments across borders. After the Little Rock crisis of 1957, the Cuban Negrismo poet Nicolás Guillén published his bilingual poem "Little Rock" in 1958, denouncing American segregation for a Latin American audience. Jazz bassist Charles Mingus answered the same crisis with "Fables of Faubus," recorded as an instrumental in 1959 after his label refused the lyrics, then recorded with lyrics as "Original Faubus Fables" on October 20, 1960, its mocking call-and-response aimed at Governor Orval Faubus. The movement's own music came from Black churches, where activists adapted hymns, spirituals, gospel songs, and labor union tunes into freedom songs. "We Shall Overcome" became the movement's anthem, sung on marches and in jails. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Why We Can't Wait (1964) gathered his Birmingham campaign writings, including the Letter from Birmingham Jail, into book form. Josephine Baker, living in France, used her fame to expose the gap between American democratic ideals and American segregation.

4.10 The Black Arts Movement

The Black Arts Movement of 1965 to 1975 made art an explicit instrument of Black liberation. After Malcolm X's assassination, Amiri Baraka founded the Black Arts Repertory Theatre in Harlem, and artists across disciplines held that Black art was distinct in inspiration, characteristics, and purpose. Critic Larry Neal called the movement the aesthetic and spiritual sister of Black Power. Elizabeth Catlett's 1969 print Negro es Bello II showed that reach, framing African mask-like faces and panther imagery with the words "Black Is Beautiful" in Spanish.

4.12 Black Is Beautiful and Afrocentricity

The Black Is Beautiful movement of the 1960s attacked white beauty standards directly, celebrating natural hair, African-inspired fashion, and new naming practices. The African Jazz-Art Society and Studios staged Naturally fashion shows with its Grandassa models. In a 1968 interview, Black Panther activist Kathleen Cleaver explained the politics of the Afro. Natural hair was a rejection of the message that only straight hair and light skin were beautiful. Kwanzaa, created by Maulana Karenga in 1966 and observed December 26 through January 1, gave the season an African-centered celebration, and the Sankofa bird of the Akan people became a widely used symbol of learning from the past. Scholar Molefi Asante gave the intellectual project its name in the 1970s. He called it Afrocentricity, the placing of Africa and African-descended peoples at the center of history. Maya Angelou's "Still I Rise," published in her 1978 collection And Still I Rise, became one of the most quoted poems in American life. California's CROWN Act, signed July 3, 2019, was the first state law to prohibit discrimination based on hair texture and protective hairstyles.

4.17 The Evolution of African American Music: From Spirituals to Hip-Hop

African American music rests on African foundations, including improvisation, call and response, syncopation, storytelling, and the fusion of music with dance. Those elements run through every era. Black performers laid the groundwork for rock and roll by electrifying gospel and blues, with Sister Rosetta Tharpe, Bo Diddley, and Little Richard among the genre's founders. In the 1970s, young Black and Latino New Yorkers in the Bronx built hip-hop from block parties and park jams. DJ Kool Herc's August 11, 1973, party at 1520 Sedgwick Avenue is the conventional starting point. Grandmaster Flash pioneered the turntable techniques of mixing and scratching, DJs extended the instrumental break into a space for b-boys and b-girls to dance, and graffiti writers turned subway cars into moving galleries, bringing early attention to artists like Jean-Michel Basquiat. James Brown's funk supplied the breaks the DJs spun. Later artists carried the music's political edge worldwide, from Queen Latifah's socially conscious rhymes to Kendrick Lamar, whose work won a Pulitzer Prize.

4.18 Black Life in Theater, TV, and Film

Black performers fought for control of their own image on stage and screen. Oscar Micheaux, the first major Black American feature filmmaker, wrote, directed, and distributed roughly forty films between 1919 and 1948 for Black audiences, casting Black actors in complex roles that answered Hollywood's stereotypes. Television brought Black life into American living rooms. Don Cornelius created Soul Train, which went into national syndication on October 2, 1971, and gave Black music and dance a weekly national stage. Sitcoms traced the politics of representation. Good Times (1974-1979) showed a working-class Chicago family, The Jeffersons (1975-1985) showed Black upward mobility, and The Fresh Prince of Bel-Air (1990-1996) put race and class at the center of a comedy. August Wilson's Fences, which premiered at Yale in 1985 and opened on Broadway in March 1987, won the 1987 Pulitzer Prize for Drama and anchored his ten-play chronicle of Black American life.

4.15 Economic Growth and Black Political Representation

Political power grew even as economic inequality persisted. Between 1970 and 2006, the number of Black elected officials rose from about 1,500 to about 9,000. Shirley Chisholm became the first Black woman elected to Congress in 1968 and helped found the Congressional Black Caucus in 1971. Colin Powell became the first Black secretary of state in 2001, and Condoleezza Rice succeeded him as the first Black woman to hold the office. Barack Obama was elected the first Black president in 2008, and Kamala Harris the first Black vice president in 2020. The 2018 official portraits of the Obamas, by Kehinde Wiley and Amy Sherald, became landmarks of Black representation in American art. Yet the 2016 racial wealth gap showed the limits of political gains. Median wealth stood at $17,150 for Black families compared with $171,000 for white families, a ten-to-one gap rooted in the housing and employment discrimination of the early twentieth century.

4.16 Demographic and Religious Diversity in Contemporary Black Communities

Black America is more diverse than the older narrative allowed. Pew Research Center analysis found that 46.8 million Americans identified as Black in 2019, up 29 percent from 36.2 million in 2000, or about 14 percent of the population. Black immigrants have more than doubled since 2000, from 2.4 million to 5.1 million, driven by arrivals from Africa and the Caribbean. Religious life remains central but is shifting. About two-thirds of Black adults identify as Protestant, while about one in five claims no religious affiliation, with younger adults the least attached. The course also distinguishes the labels themselves. Black signals shared African heritage and experience across national lines, while African American is the term most often used by descendants of those enslaved in the United States.

Confusions That Cost Points

4.19 African Americans and Sports

Sports gave Black achievement a national stage long before other doors opened, and Black athletes repeatedly turned that stage into protest. Black jockeys dominated the early Kentucky Derby. Oliver Lewis won the first running in 1875, and Billy Walker won in 1877. The Colored Hockey League of the Maritimes, founded in Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1895, predated the National Hockey League by more than two decades. Excluded from white baseball, Black players built the Negro leagues, beginning with the first Negro National League in 1920, and played on into the 1960s. Jackie Robinson broke modern baseball's color line on April 15, 1947, with the Brooklyn Dodgers. Jesse Owens won four gold medals at the 1936 Berlin Olympics and came home to segregation. Muhammad Ali refused induction into the Vietnam War on April 28, 1967, citing his religious beliefs and American racism. He was convicted and stripped of his title, then vindicated when the Supreme Court overturned his conviction on June 28, 1971. Tommie Smith and John Carlos raised black-gloved fists on the medal stand on October 16, 1968, in Mexico City. Colin Kaepernick began kneeling during the national anthem in the 2016 NFL season to protest police brutality.

4.20 Science, Medicine, and Technology in Black Communities

Black scientists and physicians built institutions because white ones excluded them, and their work runs through American medicine. The enslaved man Onesimus taught Cotton Mather the African practice of variolation during Boston's 1721 smallpox epidemic, an early chapter in immunization. Daniel Hale Williams founded Provident Hospital in Chicago in 1891, the first Black-owned hospital in the country, and performed an early successful heart surgery in 1893. Barred from the American Medical Association, Black physicians formed the National Medical Association. The botanist George Washington Carver, born enslaved, developed methods against soil depletion and advised President Theodore Roosevelt on agriculture. NASA mathematician Katherine Johnson calculated the trajectories that carried astronauts to the moon and back, and on September 12, 1992, Mae Jemison became the first African American woman in space. In 1951, doctors at Johns Hopkins took cervical cancer cells from Henrietta Lacks without her consent; the resulting HeLa line became the first immortal human cell line and helped develop the polio vaccine. NIH scientist Kizzmekia Corbett led the team whose work produced the Moderna COVID-19 mRNA vaccine.

The same history includes medical violence. In the 1840s, J. Marion Sims performed surgical experiments without anesthesia on enslaved women, including Anarcha, Lucy, and Betsey. From 1932 to 1972, the U.S. Public Health Service ran the Tuskegee syphilis study, withholding penicillin from Black men with syphilis even after it became the standard cure. The eugenics movement of the early twentieth century stigmatized Black and disabled people and led to forced sterilizations. The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, banning discrimination based on disability, built directly on the civil rights movement's legislative achievements.

4.21 Black Studies, Black Futures, and Afrofuturism

Afrofuturism reimagines Black pasts and envisions Black futures through science, technology, art, music, film, and literature. Its characteristic figures include the musician Sun Ra, whose space-themed work of the 1970s made the future a Black destination, and the novelist Octavia E. Butler. The course traces the impulse back further. Benjamin Banneker's astronomical almanacs and Phillis Wheatley's visions of freedom after abolition read as early Afrofuturist gestures. Nichelle Nichols's 1968 portrayal of Lieutenant Uhura on Star Trek showed a Black woman on the bridge of the future. When Nichols considered leaving the show, Martin Luther King Jr. urged her to stay, and she later recruited women and minorities for NASA in the 1970s.

Practice Questions

Original questions written for this guide in the style of the AP exam. Answers and explanations are on the next page, so complete the questions before checking them.

Answer Key

1. A. The Double V, proposed in James G. Thompson's January 1942 letter to the Pittsburgh Courier, demanded victory against fascism abroad and against racism at home. B describes Executive Order 9981, which came six years later in 1948. C describes the 1941 march pressure that produced Executive Order 8802, a different wartime campaign. D reaches back to 1875, nearly seventy years before the Double V.

2. C. The SCLC was church-based, founded in 1957 with King as its first president, and coordinated mass protest. A reverses the NAACP's method, since the NAACP worked through legal campaigns, while grassroots voter registration was SNCC's work. B reverses SNCC's method for the same reason. D misstates CORE, which practiced direct action like sit-ins and Freedom Rides, not congressional lobbying.

3. D. Brown overturned the separate but equal doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), holding that segregated schools violated the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause. C is wrong because de facto segregation in the North persisted long after Brown. A is wrong because Brown II ordered desegregation only "with all deliberate speed," with no fixed deadline. B is wrong because the 1875 act had been gutted by the Court in the 1880s, not upheld in 1954.

4. A. The survival programs embodied Black Power's principle that Black communities should build and control their own institutions. B is wrong because the SCLC was an integrationist, church-based organization with no connection to the Panthers' programs. C is wrong because these were party-run community programs, not federal ones, though they filled gaps federal programs left. D is wrong because the Panthers broke with the Nation of Islam's religious framework and built a secular revolutionary organization.

5. C. Kimberlé Crenshaw coined intersectionality in her 1989 law review article on the intersection of race and sex. A names the scholar behind womanism, a related but distinct term from the early 1980s. B names the scholar behind interlocking systems of oppression, the sociological framework, not the term intersectionality. D names the collective whose 1977 statement used the idea before Crenshaw gave it its name.

6. B. Redlining was the practice, codified in HOLC's 1937 maps, of grading Black neighborhoods as hazardous and denying them mortgage credit. A describes restrictive covenants, the private deed clauses that worked alongside redlining. C describes the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which banned the discrimination redlining had practiced. D describes a related but separate postwar process; the G.I. Bill's unequal administration compounded redlining's effects but was not redlining itself.

7. D. Ghana was the first sub-Saharan African nation to gain independence, in 1957 under Kwame Nkrumah, and its independence ceremony, attended by King, electrified Black American activists. C is wrong because Négritude was a 1930s Paris literary movement unaffected by Ghana's independence. A overstates the link. Ghana inspired the movement, but the Civil Rights Act had American legislative causes. B is wrong because Du Bois attended as an honored elder of Pan-Africanism, not as the organizer of Ghanaian independence.

8. B. The Greensboro sit-ins of February 1960 sparked the student wave that Ella Baker gathered into SNCC at Shaw University that April. A came five years earlier and produced the SCLC, not SNCC. C and D both came later, in 1963 and 1965, and therefore could not have caused a 1960 founding.

One-Page Recall Check

Say each answer out loud before you look back, and mark the ones you cannot finish. Anything you cannot say out loud yet belongs in your flashcard deck. In Rycal, add those items to the Movements and Debates deck and let spaced review bring them back over the next few days.

• Explain the difference between Négritude and Negrismo, including language and geography.
• Name two founders of Négritude and one work by Aimé Césaire.
• Explain why Ghana's 1957 independence mattered to Black American activists.
• State what the Double V campaign demanded and where it was launched.
• Explain how the G.I. Bill could be race-neutral in design but discriminatory in effect.
• State what Brown v. Board of Education decided and what doctrine it overturned.
• Distinguish de jure segregation from de facto segregation.
• Explain how HOLC maps, the FHA manual, and restrictive covenants worked together.
• Match each Big Four organization to its founding date and primary method.
• Put these events in order. Montgomery Bus Boycott, Greensboro sit-ins, March on Washington, Voting Rights Act.
• Explain Ella Baker's model of leadership and how it shaped SNCC.
• Distinguish Black Power from the Black Panther Party.
• Name the scholar, the term, and the decade for intersectionality.
• Distinguish womanism from intersectionality.
• Explain the Ten-Point Program and the Panthers' survival programs.
• Explain the significance of "Original Faubus Fables" and the year it was recorded with lyrics.
• Explain the Tuskegee syphilis study and what was withheld from its subjects.
• State what Afrofuturism is and name two of its characteristic figures.

Key terms for this unit

Négritude, Negrismo, Pan-Africanism, Year of Africa, Double V campaign, G.I. Bill, Brown v. Board of Education, de facto segregation, redlining, restrictive covenants, Fair Housing Act of 1968, NAACP, CORE, SCLC, SNCC, nonviolent direct resistance, Civil Rights Act of 1964, Voting Rights Act of 1965, Black Power, Nation of Islam, Black Panther Party, Ten-Point Program, Black Arts Movement, Black Is Beautiful, Afrocentricity, Kwanzaa, womanism, intersectionality, interlocking systems of oppression, Combahee River Collective, Congressional Black Caucus, CROWN Act, Afrofuturism.

About this guide. Written for Rycal and aligned to the College Board AP African American Studies course framework, Unit 4. All questions and explanations are original Rycal writing. Rycal is independent and is not affiliated with or endorsed by the College Board.